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The West needs a new China strategy

Wang Jimin

October 1, 2024

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Countries around the world are increasingly worried about China's destructive role in the global order. However, the United States, Canada, Europe and Latin America do not yet seem to have reached a consensus on how to effectively deal with the China challenge.

Wang Jimin

October 1, 2024

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Countries around the world are increasingly worried about China's destructive role in the global order. However, the United States, Canada, Europe and Latin America do not yet seem to have reached a consensus on how to effectively deal with the China challenge.

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October 1, 2024

Wang Jimin

October 1, 2024

Wang Jimin

[New Sancai Compilation and First Release] Countries around the world are increasingly worried about China’s destructive role in the global order. However, the United States, Canada, Europe and Latin America do not yet seem to have reached a consensus on how to effectively deal with the China challenge. European countries and their transatlantic allies are divided over a common path forward.

They disagree over Europe's greater reliance on Chinese markets and investment and how to deal with the growing threat from Russia.

No one is willing to take sides in a great power competition that may create greater existential difficulties.

Solutions are hampered by European countries being constrained by the lack of a shared clear, appropriate and feasible vision for Europe's future.

Without a responsible understanding of how Europe can effectively cooperate and compete on the global stage, European countries can neither cooperate effectively with the United States nor deal decisively with China.

Defining the future seems to have become a major undertaking for the global elite.

None of their visions passed the test of being appropriate, feasible and acceptable.

The recent UN Pact on the Future (which was recently harshly criticized by Argentine President Javier Milley at the UN General Assembly), Draghi’s report on European competitiveness and the report of the Conference on the Future of Europe all suggest the same idea: Brussels Rapid political consolidation of control under leadership will bring economies of scale.

This is a dangerous idea that will stifle growth prospects, undermine national sovereignty, and undermine political and civil liberties.

At least 10 European countries will not accept this paradigm, exacerbating existing divisions and creating deeper political divisions.

If Europe wants to remain a viable transatlantic economic and security partner and be part of the solution to the China challenge, developing a viable response to this European federalism agenda is crucial.

This does not mean weakening or eliminating the EU, but restoring and protecting core national capabilities and sovereignty.

There are ample opportunities for Europe and the United States to draft a joint response to China to avoid Europe falling into a death spiral of suffocating integration.

Here are some promising options that prioritize reducing dependence on China and military cooperation with China.

These proposals would simultaneously mitigate China’s espionage, intellectual property theft, transnational criminal and destabilizing activities or influence operations, as well as China’s human rights abuses.

defense industry cooperation

  • It is in the common interest to prevent Beijing from dominating Taiwan.
  • It requires a healthy and constructive debate on how transatlantic communities can contribute to this goal.
  • Many European countries are reluctant to establish a direct bilateral defense program that could help Taipei deter Beijing's military aggression.
  • Although European defense cooperation with Taiwan is often overlooked, European countries and the United States should consider this option more seriously.
  • AUKUS is a defense partnership between Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States.
  • AUKUS could serve as a model for similar partnerships, helping to encourage other countries to cooperate with Taiwan and resist counterpressure from Beijing.

Turn Asia to Europe

  • South Korea, Japan, Taiwan and India, along with other Indo-Pacific partners, offer China alternatives to build a growing alliance between Asia, Europe and the Americas.
  • While connections between free nations in Europe and the Indo-Pacific are becoming more common, efforts to strengthen connectivity, cooperation, and partnerships are likely to accelerate significantly and may require more planning.
  • More pragmatic plans that are not implemented through Brussels will require "doers" from across the Eurasian divide to work together to create new futures and opportunities.

Adopt sound energy and environmental policies

  • NetZero targets and unrealistic green transition plans weaken Europe and increase dependence on China.
  • European countries need to decisively abandon the green agenda and work with the United States to make the provision of reliable, affordable and abundant energy a top strategic priority.
  • The United States, Canada, and Mexico must strive to become global energy providers, bringing stable, reliable, and low-cost energy to free nations.
  • In short, a transatlantic community would not only be more prosperous and secure, but also eliminate dependence on Chinese technology and materials, thereby enabling an efficient market-driven green transition.

Expand free and open space

  • Free and open spaces in Europe and the Indo-Pacific can be brought closer together. More specifically, safe and reliable transit throughput and transport capacity in the Middle East can be significantly expanded.
  • Doing so will make the United States, Europe, and Indo-Pacific partners stakeholders in the stability of the region.
  • Energy and other resources provide opportunities for the Caucasus and Central Asia to connect the Middle Corridor and expand global markets and economic partnerships.
  • This will boost growth especially in Northern, Central and Southern Europe. These efforts will deter destabilizing activities by China, Iran, and Russia.
  • Furthermore, it will create new tools for continued growth and make transatlantic societies more resilient to Chinese influence.

Enhance regional security deterrence

  • A secure Europe is a prerequisite for countries to enhance their confidence in resisting China. Both the United States and Europe recognize that European countries must do their part in safeguarding transatlantic security.
  • However, a separate EU security identity would only undermine this effort. Allies must also work together to build a credible joint deterrent structure against Russia.
  • While Europeans must do more, the United States remains an important and indispensable partner. Furthermore, a free, independent Ukraine that can defend itself and prosper is also in the best interests of transatlantic security.

Defend free speech and win the culture war

  • A variety of influences, including foreign powers, NGOs and institutions within the EU, are actively undermining freedom of expression and the institutions that instill values and traditions in the Western world.
  • This collateral damage undermines the impartial rule of law and national sovereignty, as well as basic human freedoms.
  • More action is needed to unite the voices of transatlantic societies to protect free speech and traditional values.
  • Educational institutions have become a particularly important battleground in this competition. Winning the culture war would thwart Beijing’s efforts to divide and rule and forge a freer, more confident transatlantic community.

win on the international stage

  • International organizations must combat and weaken the influence of Communist China and other authoritarian regimes.
  • Other countries should cooperate to counter this force.
  • The original vision and plans of the United Nations must be restored, or alternative institutions and structures should be established to protect the interests of liberal democracies based on common interests.

Trade, tariffs and sanctions

  • While there is no consensus on trade policy, including tariffs and sanctions, or the role it should play in confronting China (as well as Russia and Iran), there is shared purpose.
  • No one wants to buy products made with slave labor, every country wants to grow jobs, economies and industries, and everyone wants supply chains to be more resilient.

These are starting points for powerful conversations.

It may take some time for the United States and European countries to muster the will to work together, but now is the time to start building a foundation of trust and confidence before it's too late.

(Authors: James Carafano, Kieron Skinner, Amb. Adrian Zuckerman)
(Compiled by: Wang Jimin)

(Editor: Jiang Qiming)

(Source of the article: Compiled and published by New Sancai)

Note: Dr. James J. Carafano is senior advisor to the president of the Heritage Foundation. Dr. Kiron Skinner is the Taube Family Chair in Public Policy at Pepperdine University and the W. Glenn Campbell Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. Anbu. Adrian Zuckerman served as the U.S. Ambassador to Romania from 2019 to 2021.

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